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The Trump administration is preparing to battle California’s tough car pollution regulations using an approach that federal courts have already rejected.

Twice.

Federal regulators are drafting a proposal that takes aim at California’s cherished authority to set its own smog-busting rules. A leaked draft of the plan that is being finalized for submission to the White House shows that it wouldn’t outright revoke the state’s ability to set pollution standards, but it asserts that a 1975 law prohibits states from setting their own limits on greenhouse gas emissions.

“It strikes me as an extraordinarily weak legal argument,” said Ann Carlson, a University of California Los Angeles law professor.

Similar arguments were made by carmakers during the George W. Bush administration, but were rejected by federal judges in California and Vermont in 2007. Those rulings, plus a landmark Supreme Court decision that year that concluded the EPA could regulate carbon dioxide emissions, pose legal obstacles for the Trump administration, Carlson said.

Other legal experts downplay the significance of those apparent obstacles, in part because appellate courts have never ruled on the matter.

“I think it really is very much an open question,” said Jeff Holmstead, a former assistant EPA administrator during the Bush administration.

The joint proposal by the Environmental Protection Agency and National Highway Traffic Safety Administration would weaken the standards negotiated by the Obama administration and the auto industry in 2009 amid taxpayer bailouts of carmakers. Also in 2009, California was granted a Clean Air Act waiver by the EPA to set standards in excess of the federal government’s while agreeing to align its rules with Washington’s.

In 2011, the standards were extended until 2025 to nearly double fleet-wide fuel economy to roughly 50 miles per gallon.

According to a summary of the plan released by Sen. Tom Carper of Delaware, the agencies’ draft proposal recommends freezing the standards from model year 2020 through 2026, setting fuel economy requirements at a 37 mpg fleet average in those years instead of rising each year.

NHTSA said in a statement it’s still working with EPA on the proposal but declined to comment on the contents of the draft released by Carper’s office. The EPA didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Because of California’s waiver, the state could opt to keep its standards despite a federal rollback, creating a patchwork of regulations that automakers fear. A dozen states tie their emissions standards to California, so more than a third of the U.S. auto market could have a separate set of tougher rules.

The so-called preemption argument in the draft EPA-NHTSA proposal “looks like an effort to do an end-run around the waiver,” said Jody Freeman, a Harvard environmental law professor.

She helped broker the 2009 fuel efficiency pact with California as the counselor for energy and climate change in the Obama White House. She said the deal helped close a chapter of heated litigation over fuel standards and gave the industry nationwide targets that were predictable, albeit challenging. Reviving the argument that California is preempted will lead to additional court cases to rehash issues that two district courts and the Supreme Court have already decided, she said.

“Since 2010, it’s been clear that all of these standards can live together harmoniously,” Freeman said. “So now it’s somewhat ironic to say ‘Well, there’s this terrible conflict and because of all this conflict we have to preempt them.’ On its face, it’s flying against all the evidence so far.”

California officials have vowed to defend their standards. State Attorney General Xavier Becerra sued the U.S. last week in a Washington federal appeals court over the EPA’s determination last month that the emissions limits for cars and light trucks are too stringent and must be revised.

Myron Ebell, director of the Center for Energy and Environment at the Competitive Enterprise Institute, said the Trump administration would be correct to assert that states are prohibited from regulating auto efficiency. He said the earlier defeats may turn out differently if revisited because a much stronger case in favor of preemption could be mounted in court.

“We can’t allow a state to dictate national policy on something like this, and that’s what’s really happening here,” Ebell said. “At the time the deal was done the auto industry was in a very weak position. They were beholden to the government so they had to sign onto it.”

Holmstead, the former Bush EPA official who is now an attorney at Bracewell LLP, said courts often give wide latitude to federal agencies in interpreting laws that they’re responsible for implementing.

“People who claim that there’s no way the administration can do this, I think they’re just wrong,” Holmstead said.

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